Wednesday, February 8, 2012

Development-led globalization vs. finance-led globalization


“The term finance-driven globalization characterizes the dominant pattern of international economic relations during the past three decades,” the report says. “This is intended to convey the idea that financial deregulation, concerted moves to open up the capital account and rapidly rising international capital flows have been the main forces shaping global economic integration. . . . Financial markets and institutions have become the masters rather than the servants of the real economy, distorting trade and investment, heightening levels of inequality, and posing a systemic threat to economic stability.”

“Financial and other resources should be channelled towards the right kinds of productive activities. Industrial development remains a priority for many developing countries…but a wider sectoral approach, including a focus on the primary sector in many least developed countries, is needed to ensure that measures to diversify economic activity are consistent with job creation, the security of food and energy supplies, and effective responses to the climate challenge”.

“rebalancing will need a global new deal that can ‘lift all boats’ in developed and developing countries alike. It is a basic truth that people everywhere want the same thing: a decent job, a secure home, a safe environment, a better future for their children and a government that listens to and responds to their concerns.


Here is more from the latest UNTCAD report titled Development-led globalization: Towards sustainable and inclusive development paths.

Monday, February 6, 2012

Time to set Sustainable Development Goals

With the possibility of recession in the EU and slowdown in major economies, policymakers the world over are looking for pragmatic policy initiatives to avert further hardships brought about by a series of crises—food, fuel, financial, economic, environment and sovereign debt. Given this backdrop and the increasing anxiety over the long term resilience of people and the planet, it is high time the world chose to integrate economic, social and environmental dimensions of development and move on the path of sustainable development, which has been defined as "development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs".

To this end, recently, the High-level Panel on Global Sustainability urged in its report presented to the UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon that in order to achieve sustainable development, the people should be placed at the center of any development strategy. By urging for the integration of social and environmental costs while determining world prices and measuring economic activities, it calls for a set of sustainable development indicators that go beyond the traditional approach of Gross Domestic Product, and recommends that governments develop and apply a set of Sustainable Development Goals that can mobilize global action and help monitor progress.

The 22-member panel, established by the Secretary-General in August 2010 to formulate a new blueprint for sustainable development and low-carbon prosperity, was co-chaired by Finnish President Tarja Halonen and South African President Jacob Zuma. The Panel’s final report, Resilient People, Resilient Planet: A Future Worth Choosing,” contains 56 recommendations to put sustainable development into practice and to mainstream it into economic policy. If fully implemented, these measures will have profound implications for societies, governments, and businesses.

The report argues that the eradication of poverty and improving equity must remain priorities for the world community and that empowering women and ensuring a greater role for them in the economy is critical for sustainable development. Furthermore, it calls for improving health and education; ending of subsidies on fossil fuels, which is around US$400 billion each year, and agricultural subsidies, which is also around US$400 billion in the OECD countries alone; changing financial market regulation to promote long-term, stable and sustainable investment; improving access clean water, sanitation and food; meeting the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and going beyond them; ensuring universal access to affordable sustainable energy by 2030; and having universal telecommunications and broadband access by 2025.

The Panel’s report underscores the importance of science as an essential guide for decision-making on sustainability issues. It calls on the Secretary-General to lead efforts to produce a regular Global Sustainable Development Outlook report that integrates knowledge across sectors and institutions, and to consider creating a Science Advisory Board or Scientific Advisor.

The report provides a timely contribution to preparations for the UN Conference on Sustainable Development (Rio+20) in Brazil in June 2012. A recently leaked draft agenda document for the Rio+20 asks countries to sign up for 10 new sustainable development goals for the planet and promise to build green economies at the first earth summit in 20 years. Importantly, the recommendation of the panel, if implemented, will put the world in a path of sustainable development that will not only propel prosperity, but also ensure measures to sustainably utilize natural resources and environment to meet that end.

As global population reaches 9 billion by 2040 and middle-class consumer increases by 3 billion over the next 20 years, the world will need at least 50 percent more food, 45 percent more energy and 30 percent more water. These cannot be addressed with the existing development paradigm. The world needs to adopt a new approach to the political economy of sustainable development to address the sustainable development challenges in a new and operational way. It is time to work for a sustainable planet, a just society and a growing economy.

Sunday, February 5, 2012

Book review: Economic growth and the private sector of Nepal

[This review was published in The Week (Republica), February 2, 2012]


An attempt to fill the void

Often students and researchers express frustration over the lack of books and journal publications about Nepali economy. It is even harder to get hold of a book that focuses exclusively on economic growth and private sector development in Nepal. Samriddhi, The Prosperity Foundation’s new book Economic Growth and the Private Sector of Nepal attempts to fill that void. Edited by Prateek Pradhan, the book has contributions from eleven authors who look into a range of issues – including economic reforms, stability, tourism, hydropower, state-owned enterprises, financial market, and trade – affecting Nepal’s economic growth and its private sector.

Prem Khanal delves into the resistance to economic reforms and its impact on democracy. He argues that the Panchayat regime plundered the state’s resources to influence the Referendum in 1980 and controlled licenses for production and imports, partially contributing to a balance of payments crisis and macroeconomic instability. This forced the country to knock on the doors of the IMF and the World Bank for loans to balance its budget sheets. No wonder, the Panchayat regime was unhappy with the implementation of Structural Adjustment Program in 1985, which forced austerity measures in a number of areas. The Nepali Congress government headed by the Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala enacted liberalization reforms after 1992 by introducing a range of policy reforms related to trade, labor, industry, investment, finance, and currency convertibility. Khanal provides a narrative of the evolution of this process and focuses on how resistance to reforms on three particular aspects –financial, labor, and public enterprises – attenuated faith in democracy.

He argues that it was precisely because of resistance to financial sector reforms that the two largest state-backed banks—Nepal Bank Limited and Rastriya Banijya Bank—failed to recoup bad loans and reduce share of non-performing assets in their portfolio. The resistance came from “financially powerful and politically influential defaulters.” It was aided by the incapacity of the central bank to effectively supervise the building up of bad loans in these banks. As the discussion starts to get interesting and enriching, Khanal stops there, leaving readers to wonder about the nature of resistance to financial reforms and the power dynamics between defaulters and political leaders. On labor reforms, he explains the opposition to change the rigid provisions, such as permanent status and hire and fire rules, in the Labor Act and its impact on industrial production and productivity.

The resistance to such reforms is continuing to this day, something apparent from the fact that the amended Labor Act of 1992 is still not enacted by the Parliament. Meantime, we are seeing the decline of industrial strength and demise of many sectors, chief among them the garment and textiles sector. Similarly, the resistance to restructure and reform financially insolvent and inefficient public enterprises has cost taxpayers billions of Rupees for decades now. Khanal tries to score the point that resistance to reforms has impeded economic growth and prosperity, diminished productive capacity, and fueled public discontent. It would have been even more revealing if Khanal had delved into the dynamics of the power play between interest groups and the political system, and its impact on Nepal’s private sector development. Nevertheless, his chapter is one of the few comprehensive contributions in the book.

Dr. Dandapani Paudel attempts to chart out a new approach to fiscal and monetary policy in general and articulate a new approach to the IMF’s and World Bank’s macro management strategies in particular. He argues that had it not been for remittances, the macroeconomic stability would have been horribly derailed by unsustainably high trade deficit. On top of currency stability, interest rate, fiscal deficit and debt, he outlines a set of additional indicators (inflation, real GDP growth, broad money supply, and trade deficit) to gauge macroeconomic stability. However, these are not new indicators and are in fact a part of the indicators to assess stability. As importantly, he also omits balance of payments (BoP) surplus as an important indicator of stability. It was precisely because of BoP deficit that Nepal took loans from multilateral donors to finance restructuring of the economy in 1985. While discussing the flaws of monetary and fiscal policies, Paudel falls short of linking them to economic growth and elaborate how deterioration of macroeconomic indicators affected private sector development over the years.

Meanwhile, Dr. Durga P. Paudyal reflects on development agendas for New Nepal and its relation to stability, prosperity and equality. He argues that there is no point bashing political leaders who seem to be more responsive to donors than to their own citizens when the entire system is flawed. While outlining how donors are corrupting political leaders and influencing them to be towed along with the donors’ development agendas, Paudyal accentuates the need to have a greater debate on forward-looking development policies. Unfortunately, he fails to provide the baseline arguments for a serious discussion on these issues. Equally importantly, he also falls short of explaining how these will affect stability, prosperity and private sector.

Dipendra Purush Dhakal focuses on tourism policies to spur economic growth. While outlining the evolution of policy initiatives for tourism development, starting with the Tourism Master Plan of 1952 and ending with the Tourism Vision 2020, he argues that the private sector has played a decisive role in this sector by constantly introducing a slew of innovative tourism packages. Dhakal maintains that success of tourism sector should not be measured by the number of tourist arrival, but by tourism receipts, average days of stay, and quality of services. Even though Dhakal emphasizes the role of private sector in tourism development, he overlooks the process of how that happened and in what way the government facilitated or hindered their participation. Gyanendra Lal Pradhan writes about growth through private sector-led hydropower development, which has so far been limited to 174MW. The country needs at least 2,500MW of electricity by 2015 to end load-shedding, and there is no alternative to this source of power supply, given the increasing demand for energy. Pradhan argues that lack of affordable credit, favorable purchasing agreements, and insecurity has been the biggest constraints to private sector-led hydropower development.

Rameshore Prasad Khanal writes about the sorry state of state-owned enterprises (SOEs) due to poor liability management. His contribution is more like a primer on liability management. Not all SOEs, whose contribution is around 11% of the GDP, suffer from the same problems, and liability management is an issue in only some of them. Note that out of the 36 public enterprises, 16 earned profits in 2009/10. A focused discussion on specific liability management issues of key SOEs and the hurdles in correcting them would have been more interesting to readers. The evolving operational domain of private sector and SOEs is also little explored.

Siddhant Raj Pandey writes about the role of financial market openness in capital inflows. He argues that even though the gradual opening up of the financial sector to international players has enhanced value and standard of domestic financial industry, without total capital account convertibility, however, the prospect for huge capital inflows is low. Pandey’s brief contribution lacks the depth needed to understand why capital inflows would remain subdued without total capital account convertibility and whether this is the main indicator looked at by foreign investors to decide on investing in Nepal. Many countries have not fully liberalized capital account, for fear of exchange rate volatility and sudden negative shocks on economy, but still have managed to entice huge sums of foreign investment.

Dr. Jagadish C. Pokharel discusses the benefits of connecting the country with the two bordering economic giants. Pokharel argues that Lumbini, Pokhara, Nijgad, and Kathmandu will be the economic centers in the future if appropriate infrastructure linking the economy with India and China are constructed. The export of herbal products to China and energy to India and tourism to both countries will generate tremendous benefits to the country, he asserts. Pokharel emphasizes the role of infrastructure, the most binding constraint to growth, in spurring growth but does not look at the role of private sector in this endeavor.

Ratish Basnyat has one of the most consistent and comprehensive contributions on international market access for Nepali exports. He outlines a range of supply-side constraints that are hampering exports growth, both in regional as well as international markets, despite being a member of free trade blocs like WTO, SAFTA, and BIMSTEC. He also argues that Nepal’s exports to India failed to pick up steam because our exporters relied more on tariff preference to India rather than increasing competitiveness of products. As the preferences are declining along with the liberalization of Indian economy, Nepali exporters are finding hard to compete there was well. The failure of private sector to read preference erosion correctly and do the needful on their part to sustain exports growth is to blame for the dismal performance. He argues for the creation of Infrastructure Development Fund, skill development, and area-specific product development for industrial and exports promotion.

On the same issue, Tarka Raj Bhatta writes about what needs to be done to boost export diversification and competitiveness. Despite being a very important and profound issue, Bhatta offers general arguments without substantive discussion on the role of private sector and the impact of low export diversification on growth. Finally, Shiv Raj Bhatt tries to explain how the Nepal-USA Trade and Investment Framework Agreement (TIFA) can help revive Nepal’s trade with the US. As with the preceding contribution, Bhatt offers general points without meaty discussion on how exactly Nepal can exploit the provisions in TIFA to boost exports to the US in the face of the slump in exports of garments, our main product of interest in the US market.

In general, the major strength of the book is that now we have a publication about growth and private sector. Apart from the few comprehensive contributions, the book is a disappointment to serious readers who are in hunt for substantive and measured arguments on growth and private sector development. Readers will wonder why the editor did not even have a foreword or an introduction or a chapter contribution. Furthermore, there is serious editing slackness with regard to clarity and consistency of arguments in some chapters (sometimes even in the same paragraphs), lack of complete reference, and up-to-date data. Contributors such as Khanal, Pradhan and Basynat have tried to focus on the core theme, but others have digressed from it, giving readers a sense of a lack of unifying theme or message that relates to the title of the book.

[Published in The Week, Republica, February 3, 2012, p.11]


Tuesday, January 31, 2012

South Asian growth prospect: Optimistic & pessimistic scenarios

Ejaz Ghani outlines two scenarios for South Asia: optimistic and pessimistic. Here are the major points:


Optimistic scenario:


  • The optimistic outlook is based on the favourable structural trends including improved governance, the demographic dividend, the rise of the middle class, and the new faces of globalisation.
  • All countries in the region have an elected government for the first time since independence. Governance has improved in two ways that will enhance the politics of democratic accountability. The first is the diminishing importance of identity politics, and the second is that the rates of incumbency – the likelihood of a sitting legislator or state government being re-elected – are down.
  • The demographic dividend [=(working-age population)/(non-working age population)*100] will benefit growth not only through the swelling of the labour force, as the baby boomers reach working age, but also due to society’s ability to save more because working age happens to be the prime years for savings, and the increased fiscal space that will divert resources from spending on children to investing in infrastructure and technology.
  • A massive shift towards a middle class society is already in the making. India’s middle class (daily expenditure of $10-$100 in PPP terms) will rise more rapidly compared to China, because Indian households will benefit more from growth than Chinese households, given the prevailing distribution of income. The size of the middle class will increase from 60 million in 2010 to more than one billion people by 2025. Growth, education, home ownership, formal-sector jobs, and better economic security are cause and consequence of an expanding middle class.

  • The world has already benefited from global capital flows and trade in goods. It is now the turn of trade in services and migration. Technology has enabled services to be digitised, transported, and traded, long distance, at low cost, without compromising on quality. Trade in services are the fastest growing component of world trade during the last two decades. India’s service export is growing at a much faster pace compared to goods export form China.
  • Global migration rates have been sluggish over the last 50 years. But this will change. Current demographic trends suggest a rapidly ageing population in OECD countries, and a young population in South Asia. This generates powerful incentives for labour mobility, as well as unique opportunities for improved global efficiency.
Pessimistic scenario:

  • Growth in the region could be derailed by lopsided spatial transformation, lack of entrepreneurship, large informal sectors, high levels of conflict, gender disparities, and deep pockets of poverty.
  • Rapid growth has produced billionaires in India. But, the broad character of the region remains agrarian and rural. This has more to do with the peculiarities of growth patterns -- services-led growth, which is more skill-intensive, compared to manufacturing-led growth, which is less skill-intensive, and the fragmented nature of transformation, than the pace of growth.
  • Slow growth in manufacturing despite rapid GDP growth should by itself not be a worry, provided it is not in the way of growth in employment opportunities for unskilled and low-skilled workers at decent wages in industry and services so that these sectors still manage to rapidly pull the underemployed workers in agriculture into gainful employment.
  • Entrepreneurship is central to job creation. But South Asia has too few entrepreneurs. While India has a disproportionately high rate of self-employment and many small firms, this has not as readily translated into as many young entrepreneurial firms as could be hoped. Yet there is no question that entrepreneurship works. Formal-sector job growth has been strongest in regions and industries that have exhibited high rates of entrepreneurship and dynamic economies.

  • The informal sector remains overwhelmingly large and persistent. Around nine out of ten employees in India do not have formal jobs. What is worrying is that informal employment does not seem to disappear with rapid growth. There is a strong association between informality and poverty.

  • South Asia has experienced high levels of internal conflict. Most countries in South Asia are currently immersed in, or are just emerging from, conflicts of varying nature and scope, ranging from the recently ended civil wars in Sri Lanka and Nepal and insurgency in Afghanistan and Pakistan to low-level localised insurgency in India. The result is human misery, destruction of infrastructure and social cohesion, and death. The knock-on effects are huge.

  • India, despite reaching middle-income status, is home to the largest concentration of poor people in the world. More than one billion people lived on less than $2 a day in 2005 in South Asia. Nearly 250 million children are undernourished and suffer from hidden hunger. Child mortality and malnutrition levels are among the highest in the world. More than one third of adult women are anaemic. One woman dies every five minutes from preventable, pregnancy-related causes. The share of female employment in total employment is among the lowest in the world.



Monday, January 30, 2012

How much is India’s software and IT services sector contributing to growth and development?

Countering the claims that India’s India’s Software and Information Technology Services (SWIS) has few forward linkages to Indian firms, uses few domestic inputs, has limited employment effects and prefer foreign clients to domestic ones, Grace Kite argues that this sectors contribution to the Indian economy is now “over twice as large as its share of GDP”, which includes its forward linkages to other firms and its overall demand stimulus. In the financial year 2010-11, it produced US$ 60 billion of output, accounted for a fifth of the country’s exports and employed 2.5 million employees.


First, how has the domestic market for India’s software and IT services fared? Over 20 years through 2010-11, domestic sales have registered a compound annual rate of growth of over 27%. And since 2005-6, their rate of growth has significantly accelerated, so that it now equals the rate of growth of the sector’s export revenue. The increase in domestic revenue has averaged US$ 1.7 billion per year since that structural turning point.


Kites estimated that between 2005 and 2008 the impact of the SWIS sector’s domestic forward linkages (financial services, communications and manufacturing) contributed an average 1.3 percentage points per year to the country’s total GDP growth. This represented, on average, about 15% of the total.

Furthermore, regarding backward linkages, Kites argues that in 2005-06, 84% of the combined inputs of SWIS, IT enabled services and business process outsourcing (ITES-BPO)were purchased domestically.


Taking the direct effect of such purchases plus the indirect impact of the demand generated thereby for other products in the economy, estimates suggest that for every rupee spent on inputs by the SWIS and ITES-BPO sectors in 2005-6, another 0.6 rupee was generated somewhere else in the Indian economy. These combined direct and indirect effects accounted for 2% of India’s GDP.

What about the domestic effect of the consumer spending of SWIS workers? Estimates of this additional demand effect, both direct and indirect, have ranged between 0.6% of GDP (for 2005-6) to 0.75% of GDP (for 2008-9).


Regarding employment generation, in 2005-6, for example, it was estimated that the SWIS sector (together with ITES-BPO) contributed indirectly to the creation of 3.64 million non-IT jobs.


This total implies that for every worker employed directly in these IT sectors, jobs were created for an additional two workers in the Indian economy as a whole. The majority of these additional workers had much lower skill and education levels than those in the IT sectors.

The tight labour market for SWIS workers has also led to the rapid rise of educational institutions catering to the employment needs of this sector. India’s colleges and universities now turn out 300,000 technical graduates a year, more than any other country in the world except for China. Hence, employment in the educational sector has been significantly expanded.


Overall, the sector’s direct impact contributed 4.6% of India’s GDP. The impact of the sector’s forward linkages contributed another 2.8% of GDP. And the effect of its backward linkages contributed an additional 2.7% of GDP. India’s Software and IT Services Sector accounted for 10.1% of India’s GDP in 2005-6. So, its total impact was more than double the size of its own output (i.e., 4.6%).


There are good reasons to believe that these figures are significant under-estimates. The first reason is that the growth of the sector, as previously stressed, has been particularly rapid since 2005-6. Secondly, these estimates ignore the informal SWIS sector (namely, the effects of those firms not registered with the Indian government).

Lastly, these estimates do not account for indirect forward linkages, which are likely to be substantial. For example, if software and IT services help to improve health services or to enhance the provision of education, the indirect effects on labour productivity are likely to be significant.


Friday, January 27, 2012

What caused the global financial crisis?

Justin Yifu Lin and Volker Treichel argue that it is not the global imbalances, but excess demand in the US that caused the global financial crisis. Here is an abstract of their recent paper:


The world is currently still struggling with the aftermath of the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression. Following a description of the eruption, evolution and consequences of the global crisis, this paper reviews alternative hypotheses for the causes of the global financial crisis as well as their empirical evidence. The paper refutes the frequently voiced view that the global crisis was caused by global imbalances that reflected economic policies of East Asian countries. Instead, it argues that global imbalances were the result of excess demand in the United States, resulting from both the public debt in the United States arising from the Afghanistan and Iraqi wars and tax cuts and the overconsumption by households supported by the wealth effect from the housing bubble in the United States. The housing bubble itself was the outcome of the Federal Reserve's low interest rate policy in the aftermath of the burst of the "dot-com" bubble in 2001, the lack of appropriate financial regulation, and housing policies aimed at expanding the mortgage market to low-income borrowers. It was possible to maintain the large trade deficits of the United States for such a long period of time because of the dollar's reserve currency status. When the housing bubble in the United States burst, the global crisis ensued. The paper also analyzes why China's trade surplus increased significantly in general and with the United States in particular in recent years, and argues that this increase was caused by both the relocation of the labor-intensive tradable sector of East Asian economies to China and high corporate saving rates in China as a result of its dual-track approach to reform.


What’s up with PM Bhattarai’s Immediate Action Plan?

Each time a new government comes in, it has now become a fashion to introduce new programs for transforming Nepal. PM Baburam Bhattarai unveiled a long Immediate Action Plan (or see this) yesterday that outlines what he thinks should be done rather than what can be done in reality given the existing political, economic and social structures. It looks like a budget speech. Let me focus on the economy aspects here.

A majority of of the programs are already been floated by previous governments. There is no need to give a different name to the already floated programs and include them in a supposedly new agenda of the government. Frankly, it would be better to just implement the programs of the previous administrations. Giving new names to old programs and adding a few new programs without any clue of how to attract capital required for such programs is just ludicrous. Attracting US$1 billion FDI in the next six months is just unbelievable when the total FDI last year was just US$39 million. All I can say is: Good luck, PM!

The prime minister argues that his government will try to execute some of the programs using the same budget for this fiscal year (about six months left for the next fiscal year to start). This is simply not going to happen because the amount will not be sufficient to launch all the programs loftily outlined by the PM. 

Investors are primarily concerned with political stability, law and order, security of their investment and returns from it, hospitable labor force and government bureaucracy, and less red tape. Consider the following points:

  • It is not worthwhile to list all the economic programs (for “big push”) outlined by the prime minister. Read it here. It is too long and he is trying to do way too many things like the finance minister when he outlines fiscal budget.
  • Political stability is a far cry. Prachanda is already trying to pull the plug of PM Bhattarai’s government. The uncertainty over longevity of this government means a disincentive (for fear of policy change) for investors to come here and invest. Solution: Let the bureaucrats decide on these policies and the politicians support them and may be tweak them a bit (to give breathing space for politicians, whom by nature are more self-interested than what Adam Smith imagined!). Evidence: See how Japanese and Thai economies are doing just fine even when government changes frequently.
  • In order to unite capital, entrepreneurs and ideas, there should be effective property, contract, and business laws so that when whimsical government tries to change agreed terms and conditions, investors can drag them to court. This is one of the most reliable ways to entice investors to invest in this country. It would be better to focus on disciplining the politically affiliated, militant trade unions, ensure property rights (think of how you are going to return back the illegally seized properties instead of legalizing them), control corruption (first by political parties and leaders and then in bureaucracy), and bring out business friendly laws.
  • The reasons why domestic investors are hesitant to invest in whatever capacity they can is because they lack easy access to capital and favorable investment climate. The money required for large infrastructure projects cannot be sourced domestically (it would take more than double the annual budget to construct a railway link from the East to the West of the country). The government could choose a handful of strong and able domestic firms that can execute such projects, guarantee and insure international loans taken by them (interest rate is low compared to domestic loans), give positively discriminatory licenses to competent firms only, strictly supervise them so that they achieve what they commit to do, control unruly labor unions and disruptive activities, and then see how it yields concrete result. Evidence: study how Park Chung-hee applied similar approach in South Korea after the coup in 1962 and transformed a struggling economy into an economic powerhouse in a generation. Also, read how the Japanese economy got transformed during the Meiji period.
  • Bringing new program and policies each time a new government comes in confuses bureaucrats. Spare them from political wrangling and its fallout. Just stick to a plan that all can agree upon. Let the bureaucrats decide what that plan be. The political parties can work on brining legislation on this regard, help in executing and supervising the program and policies. Or, even if politicians want to bring new programs, make sure they are in line with the existing ones and one that can easily pass through the bureaucratic weaving across so many agencies. This Bhattarai led government could at least do this. Or, can they?
  • It is sad to not see concrete programs for export promotion and industrial development. Where happened to the idea of Special Economic Zones? Here are some of the measure the government could look at to revive exports. And, what about addressing the myriad of supply-side constraints ailing the industrial sector? About diesel plant, how are we going to bring one in operation without putting further strain in NOC? Diesel plant is expensive and it will further put financial burden on NEA and NOC. It would be better to pour the alloted money in a mid-sized hydropower plant without any delay. Or guarantee that much of loan amount to private sector to execute such hydropower plant.
  • One of the reasons why food prices are high and productivity low is due to the rigging of markets by middlemen. How about clearing them out so that farmers get the right price for their produce and an incentive to produce more?  Read this piece about how middlemen are distorting the food markets in Nepal.
  • That said, I am positive about the emphasis on infrastructure development. It is the binding constraint to economic activities. We have to tirelessly reiterate this point even if no progress happens right now. Hopefully, at some point, a right time will be created when investors, government, labor unions, and public wholeheartedly back the idea of infrastructure development, that too massively. I don’t expect the present government to create a right environment for this even if it wants to. Nor do I hope that it will create a foundation for that. It is too fractured to do anything substantive because these programs require consensus among all stakeholders  (investors, political parties, labor unions, and public). The idea is good though. Here is a list of projects of national pride as outlined by the Bhattarai led government:
      • Kathmandu-Tarai Fast Track
      • Mid-Hills Highway
      • Regional airports in Bhairahawa and Pokhara
      • Detailed Project Report of Budhi Gandhaki within a year
      • Second international airport in Nijgadh
      • Tamakoshi Hydropower Project
      • East-West Electric Railway
      • Postal Highway
      • Melamchi Drinking Water Project
      • Open tracks for north-south highways in Koshi, Gandaki and Karnali
      • Sikta Irrigation Project
  • The projections related to growth stimulus and employment generation are just a wild guess. For employment generation, my suggestion is to focus on the idea of Employment Guarantee Scheme (EGS) recently floated by the National Planning Commission. This program has the potential to employ about 431,388 people of households living below the national poverty line at the cost of 2.14% of budget (fiscal year 2011-12). It comes to around 1.29% of 2010-11 real GDP in producers prices. It is better to replace the Youth Self Employment Fund (funds have been misused by successive governments) with this one. Why not back the idea of EGS? It has been successfully implemented in India and several other countries.
  • I like the idea of government sponsored think tanks. Here is my take on this issue. This one and some other programs are somewhat in line with the recommendations of the PM’s Economic Advisory Council. Good job!
  • Above all, here is a simple idea for the Bhattarai led government to stay effective and relevant: just implement previously floated programs and resolve policy implementation paralysis. Enough with the leftists lofty talks and promises!