Friday, July 30, 2021

Conditional or unconditional convergence

In their latest NBER working paper on economic convergence, Kremer, Willis and You (2021) argue that there was a trend towards unconditional convergence (GDP per capita today depends on its GDP per capita in the past) since 1990 and absolute convergence since 2000 owing to broad faster catch-up growth and slower growth of the frontier economies. They also show that many of the correlates of growth such as human capital, policies, institutions, and culture also showed convergence with higher income country groups.  As both correlates and growth have changed, their relationships (coefficients of growth regressions) have also changed. The shrinkage of growth regression coefficients has led to the narrowing of the gap between unconditional and conditional convergence. Absolute convergence has converged towards conditional convergence.


Major highlights from the working paper:

There was a steady trend towards unconditional convergence since the late 1980s and absolute convergence since 2000. Between 1985 and 1995, income per capita diverged by an average 0.5% annually, but between 2005 and 2015, it converged at a rate of 0.7%. The richest quartile of countries had the fastest growth in the 1980s, but the slowest growth since then as it became flat in the 1990s and then declined since 2000. However, the three other quartiles all experienced accelerating growth through 1990s and early 2000s. 

They argue that the conditional convergence could be due to (i) faster spread of technologies due to globalization as well as greater capital and labor mobility (accelerates convergence), and (ii) convergence in growth correlates themselves such as human capital, policies, institutions and culture (these could narrow the gap between unconditional and conditional convergence). 

The authors also explore whether growth correlates have changed over time by looking at four groups. First, enhanced Solow fundamentals, namely investment rate, population growth and human capital, which are fundamental determinants of steady state income. Second, short-run correlates, namely policies (political and financial institutions, fiscal policy) that can change in relatively short period of time. Third, long-run correlates, namely historical determinants of institutions and geography that change slowly, if at all. Fourth, culture (they consider 10 cultural variables such as views on inequality, political participation, the importance of family, traditions, work ethics, etc). They find that these correlates have not been highly persistent as many have undergone large changes and themselves converged substantially across countries, especially towards those of rich countries.

Establishing relationship between two trends -- towards convergence in income and the convergence of many of the correlates of growth itself-- is a bit challenging because causality can run both ways (for instance, converging income causes policies, institutions and culture to converge or it could be the other way round). By using omitted variable bias formula, they decompose the gap between absolute convergence (convergence across countries without conditioning on determinants of steady state income) and conditional convergence by looking at the product of the slopes of two relationships: correlate-income slopes and growth-correlate slopes. 

They find that while cross-sectional relationships between income and the correlates have changed in levels, their slopes have mostly remained stable. However, growth-correlates regression coefficients have shrunk substantially and show little autocorrelation for correlates (institutional homogenization) except for Solow model fundamentals (investment rate, population growth, and human capital), which have remained stable. This flattening of growth-correlates relationship suggest that absolute convergence converged towards conditional convergence. 

They argue that their results are consistent with neoclassical growth models, particularly after 1990. While conditional convergence held throughout the period (1985-2015), absolute convergence did not initially but as human capital, policies and, institutions improved in poorer countries, their explanatory power with respect to growth and convergence have declined. So, "the world has converged to absolute convergence because absolute convergence has converged to conditional convergence". Policies and institutions used to matter, but that they have converged, they matter less (and their effects are non-linear). Evidence support convergence in policies and institutions, but divergence in income over 1960-1990 (inconsistent with neoclassical growth model). However, convergence changed since 1990 and the outcome is consistent with neoclassical growth models (but not AK models such as endogenous growth models or poverty trap models that predict divergence). 

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Meanwhile, Acemoglu and Molina (2021), in a follow up comment, argue that the results of  Kremer, Willis and You (2021) working paper are driven by the lack of country fixed effects controlling for unobserved determinants of GDP per capita across countriesThis "create a bias in convergence coefficients towards zero and this bias can be time-varying, even when the underlying country-level parameters are stable." They find no evidence of major changes in patterns of convergence and no flattening of the relationship between institutional variables and economic growth. 

Pande and Enevoldsen (2021) argue that convergence towards development-favored policies that drove the trend outlined by Kremer, Willis and You (2021) also mean that this has happened with rising within-country inequality, resulting in more of the world's poor clustering in (lower) middle-income countries. 

Monday, July 26, 2021

Entry and exit of informal firms

In a latest NBER working paper, McCaig and Pavcnik (2021) present several stylized facts about entry and exit of informal firms using a nationally representative panel data from Vietnam. 

Most informal firms are often operated only by the owner. Lower wealth and aggregate productivity tend to correlate with smaller average firm size. With economic development, average firm size also increases as self-employed entrepreneurs seek wage opportunities (so informal business is a necessity in part affected by lack of other employment opportunities). It indicates that self-employment decreases and size of firms increases with economic development. Other causes of smaller firms include imperfections in capital markets, barriers to hiring labor, cost of registration and formalization, and lack of business training. 

Major highlights/excerpts from the working paper:

First, informal businesses exhibit rates of entry and exit around 14-18% annually. Entry and exit rates are similar and highly correlated at a point in time, within industries, and within regions. They both decline over time and across space with economic development. 

Second, although market selection influences which firms survive, entry and exit has little net effect on aggregate (revenue) productivity or hiring of workers outside the household. This owes to overlapping labor productivity of entering and exiting firms and low subsequent productivity growth and hiring among the surviving entrants.  Almost half of the entrants exit within two years and the surviving entrants do not significantly improve their performance over time or begin to hire paid workers. This could be due to market-selection, but also due to owner-specific characteristics and shocks, alternative employment options, and household-specific shocks. Business exit and entry is associated with large decreases and increases, respectively, in individual and household income.

Third, the large overlap in revenue of entering and exiting informal businesses and the high correlation between entry and exit rates are related to the education and economic activities (self-employment, wage work or just outside of the workforce) of business owners prior to starting, or after closing down, an informal business. Informal business owners are less educated on average than wage workers in the formal sector, but more educated than agricultural workers. Entering and exiting owners have very similar levels of education. 

Fourth, the transitions in and out of operating an informal business reflect the underlying structure of economic activities of the working age population, with education gaps also playing a role. About one-third of informal non-farm business entrants and exiters transition to and from self-employment in agriculture.  However, the likelihood of this transition declines with economic development, highlighting the role of net entry from agriculture into informal non-farm businesses in structural change.

Tuesday, July 6, 2021

Nepal's largest hydropower project starts operation

Nepal's 456 MW Upper Tamakoshi Hydropower Project started operation on July 5, 2021 from one of its six 76-MW units. Nepal will likely have surplus power for now when all the six units start generating power at full capacity (around mid-October 2021). Even during the dry season (December-February), the project can generate electricity at full capacity for five hours. It is a run-of-the-river hydropower project financed through domestic resources. The project incurred huge time and cost overruns (5 years and NRs50 billion, respectively).

Excerpts from The Kathmandu Post:


Energy Minister Bishnu Paudel, speaking during the inauguration, said the full operation of the project is expected to contribute around 1 percent to the GDP. “It will help boost industrial production,” he said. “This project shows that we can collect the fragmented capital within the country and invest in projects like Upper Tamakoshi.”

The majority share (51 percent) of the Upper Tamakoshi Hydropower Limited is held by four public entities, namely, Nepal Electricity Authority, Nepal Telecom, Citizen Investment Trust and Rastriya Beema Sansthan. “The project has boosted our confidence,” said Prime Minister Oli. “We can now develop these types of projects through our own resources and manpower. We ended the loadshedding in 2017 but that was by importing power.” In May 2018, the Nepal Electricity Authority had officially announced elimination of load-shedding for the industrial sector, a year after relieving residential customers who had suffered never-ending power cuts for decades.

[...]The six years project began in 2011 to end the power shortage. But like other projects of national importance, this too suffered, resulting in massive cost and time overruns. Its price tag has swelled, or more than doubled, to Rs85 billion. Bigyan Prasad Shrestha, chief executive officer of the Upper Tamakoshi Hydropower Project, said that the initial cost of the project was Rs35 billion [without interest]. “Now, the cost of the project [without interest] has reached Rs53 billion. According to him, initially, the interest to be paid was estimated at Rs14 billion. “Now, the bank interest alone stands at Rs32 billion. So, the overall cost is around Rs85 billion.” The annual interest rate has been set at 11 percent.

[..]Nepal, currently, has an installed capacity of 1,385 MW of electricity. According to Timilsina, the country’s peak demand stands at 1,350 MW. This means, when all units of Upper Tamakoshi start production, the country will have nearly 500 MW of surplus energy in the wet season. Around 300 MW of power is currently being imported from India.

[...]“With the average power purchase agreement (PPA) rate of Rs4.06 per unit, it is the cheapest price of electricity for Nepal Electricity Authority,” said Ghising. “So, it is beneficial for the power utility. Even after paying back the loans within a few years, it can generate a good amount of income and more power projects can be developed with it.”


Sunday, July 4, 2021

Emerging consensus on minimum global corporate tax rate

The Economist on global corporate tax:


Officials signed up to a five-page statement with two main elements: a new minimum tax rate on multinationals’ profits; and a reallocation of the right to tax those of the largest, away from places where they register their assets and towards where they make their sales. In return for those new tax rights, governments would refrain from some unilateral measures, notably taxes on giant technology companies. Securing agreement from so many countries on such a touchy issue is a remarkable feat. Even so, there is more work to do before the future of corporate taxation is settled.

[...]The deal is structured to affect more companies as time goes by. At first the reallocation of taxing rights will apply to those with global turnover above €20bn ($24bn). But if all goes well, that threshold could fall to €10bn. To address the common complaint that digital companies can make profits somewhere without registering the physical presence often necessary to tax them, governments will be able to levy some tax if local revenues exceed just €1m. In small, poor countries with GDP of less than €40bn the threshold will be only €250,000.

[...]Having secured a high-level agreement, negotiators have agreed on a deadline of October to settle important details. Some countries are pushing for a minimum tax rate of 15%; others want the floor to be higher. The base of profits subject to the minimum tax, the precise amount of taxing rights to be reallocated and the precise scope of unilateral measures to be withdrawn also have to be hammered out.

After that, in 2022 governments must draw up an international treaty to reallocate taxing rights, to be implemented in 2023. The deal also envisages that minimum taxes might be legislated for in 2022 and implemented in 2023, though countries could do that without waiting for a treaty. The agreement is a big step forward. But plenty of taxing work still lies ahead.