Sunday, October 25, 2009

NDB fiasco II: Don’t prolong the death of NDB

Few months ago, I wrote an op-ed arguing for a swift liquidation of Nepal Development Bank (NDB). Four months down the road, the whole issues looks as inconclusive as the political process in Nepal. In a new op-ed, I argue that the court should not stop the NRB from fully liquidating NDB. The unhealthy financial posture of NDB should not even be an issues of concern-- it is a moribund bank and should be put to rest without delay so that poor depositors can get their frozen savings back. Plus, this will help cleaning up of the Nepalese financial system.

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Don't Prolong Death Of NDB

Amidst senseless political bickering, it is easy to forget simple events whose fallout have a huge impact on the lives of general public. A sense of urgency felt by the public is not necessarily shared by the politicians, policymakers and judges. One of such events is the drama surrounding liquidation of Nepal Development Bank (NDB), the financially troubled bank whose liabilities are far more than its assets. The indecisive action from the court, though a lately decisive one from the central bank, has deprived many households of their savings.

Let us recall what happened four months ago. Sensing a deteriorating financial health of NDB, depositors started pulling money out of the bank. The loss of depositors’ confidence on the bank was unsurprising. It had bank deposits and cash worth Rs 196.2 million but its cumulative loss amounted to Rs 609.2 million. Nonperforming loans (NPL) comprised over 50 percent of loan portfolio. Its negative capital ratio of 48.31 percent was far less than 11 percent allowed by the central bank.

In a matter of a few days, it seemed that NDB was more contagious than was thought before, i.e. the panic triggered from a single near-dead bank was putting other healthy financial institutions at risk of bank runs. To contain the bubbling panic among anxious depositors, the central bank (NRB) guaranteed to be the savior of last resort. Meanwhile, it made the right decision to liquidate NDB. It froze transactions and took control of the bank. To fully liquidate the distressed bank, the central bank sought permission from Patan Appellate Court. On July 29, the court tasked chartered accountant Tirtha Raj Upadhaya to present a report explaining if it was necessary to liquidate NDB. While depositors are anxiously waiting to get their money back, the process of liquidation is progressing, if any, at a snail’s pace.

Limited and confusing information about the whole process has further worried depositors. The need to urgently take a final decision about the fate of NDB (which I personally think should be put to rest for good) is not shared by the judges of Appellate Court, further increasing confusion and anxiety among depositors. The situation is so confusion and so little information is channeled to the public that one of the worried elderly depositors emailed me asking when he will get back his hard-earned money, which he saved in NDB so that he could use it for his daughter’s marriage. He was so confounded and nervous that he requested me to “write something sympathetically.”

The court’s decision to deliberately prolong the crisis with complete disregard to the fate of poor depositors is the main constraint in putting to rest the moribund bank. It seems that the judges at the court do not trust technical and relatively specialized analysis from the central bank, which probably has the most relevant information about the financial sector than any other institution in the country. The decision to appoint a chartered accountant to reassess the health of an unhealthy bank and deliberately protract the liquidation process shows inefficiency and incompetency of the court in dealing with financial issues.

A consultant who assisted with projects a decade ago to evaluate Nepal’s financial institutions and who has interviewed the then head of NDB argues that the bank’s management was cooking up methods to swindle money away from the financial system to their personal treasure chests. He says: “It seemed to me then that the NDB’s main function was to shovel government rupees into private pockets ... the inability of the NDB staff to answer basic questions about their lending practices indicated that much was amiss at that institution ... I guess well-connected parties were able to delay recognition of the problem and enforcement of the directive so they could continue to misappropriate the people’s resources.” The unhealthy financial posture and practice of NDB was apparent a decade ago but the concerned authorities, mainly the NRB, stayed mute, downplayed the evolving superficial banking practices and basked on the performance of a few healthy commercial banks.

Now, a quick liquidation is in the interest of the whole banking industry, its poor depositors and the nation. The judges have to comprehend this and let NRB, despite its questionable record to prevent NDB-type banking practices in the past, handle the situation as appropriate. Else, it will foster a situation where banks will take excessive risk and willfully play with depositor’s money thinking that in case of failures, the central bank would come to their rescue. The court should help minimize moral hazard in the banking industry by ratifying NRB’s request to liquidate NDB.

Meanwhile, the central bank should not let the banks take excessive risk, channel huge amount of money to few creditless, politically-affiliated borrowers and engage in any activities that could put poor depositors’ money at excessive and irrecoverable risk. The NDB’s big defaulters should also be punished, although I am not convinced this will happen given the progress in indicting big defaulters in the past. Perhaps, what the consultant observed would be true: “I wonder whether any of NDB’s defaulting borrowers need to be concerned about facing punitive action, or at least public humiliation. Based on my experience in Nepal, I would guess not. At that time, the NRB had a “blacklist” of defaulters but it was highly classified and to the best of my knowledge was not available to commercial banks, except perhaps, on a case-by-case basis, through the NRB’s representative on the Board. So the same people could, at least in theory, keep pulling the same scam over and over.”

Two things warrant immediate attention. First, the judges should give a green signal to liquidate NDB as soon as possible so that poor citizen’s frozen money is freed up. The liquidation should be carried out even if few investors show half-hearted interest in reviving the bank. Second, the NRB should annually publish the list of all big willful defaults to promote transparency and accountability in the banking industry. This will stop big defaulters from exploiting depositor’s money. It will also break the exclusive availability of defaulters list to the board of directors of NRB, who, by the way, privately or publicly advise some of the commercial banks. This is the time for the court and NRB to improve upon their unqualified judgment of the past.

(Published in Republica, October 23, 3009)

Saturday, October 24, 2009

Globalization, wages and the quality of jobs

It is pretty much accepted that globalization has led to an increase in jobs in the export-based industries. But, what has been the impact of globalization on wages and quality of jobs? A new book (Globalization, Wages, and the Quality of Jobs) sheds light on these issues and digs answers for if globalization has increased wages and quality of jobs. In short: there is some evidence that globalization has increased wages and working conditions in the sectors that are exports based. However, there is no consensus on the effects (positive or negative) of globalization on wages and quality of jobs.

The authors look at five countries: Cambodia, Indonesia, Honduras, El Salvador, and Madagascar. They focus on apparel sector to gauge if globalization is improving working conditions and increasing wages.

The authors show three connections between globalization and inter-industry wage differentials (IIWDs):

  • FDI-intensive and export sectors paid wages significantly above the mean (Cambodia and Honduras)
  • Wage premium in FDI-intensive and export industries increased over time 
  • Wage premium was positively correlated with exports and FDI

Few details about the five countries:

Cambodia:

-apparel made up 82 percent of total merchandise exports in 2003; nearly 2/3 destined for the US

-wage in garment sector is 35 percent higher than average wage

-wages and working conditions are positively correlated with trade

-first country to have quota access for exporting firms specifically tied to working conditions

Indonesia:

-exports oil, gas, electrical appliances, textiles, plywood

-went two periods of liberalization: mid-1980 to mid-1990 focused on textiles and apparel sectors and after mid-1990s it diversified to heavy industries (metal products and machinery and chemical industries)

-ILO contributed a lot to improving working condition and labor protection

-wage in apparel sector is 8.3 percent higher than average wage

Honduras:

-exports coffee, banana, textiles/apparel

-apparel exports made up 60 percent of total exports; 2/3 exported to the US

-more than 82 percent of all Honduran workers worked in foreign-owned factories

-wage in apparel sector is 21 percent higher than average wage

-the end of MFA has deteriorated wages and exports sector

El Salvador:

-exports coffee, sugar, offshore assembling, shrimp, textiles

-wages in apparel sector is 7.2 percent higher than normal wages

-wages positively related with working conditions

-end of MFA coincided with decline in FDI and wages

Madagascar:

-exports coffee, vanilla, shellfish, sugar, cotton, clothes

-wage of workers working in the exports industry is generally higher than normal wages but the end of MFA and the entry of China in the WTO has dampened wages and FDI

-end of MFA triggered an outflow of capital out of apparel sectors to lower-wage countries

Globalization has increased FDI in countries and improved export opportunities with the potential for rising wages and more employment. It has also changed the structure of economies, particularly in the developing countries. The authors argue that the influx of exports-focused FDI was positively correlated with wage premiums and working conditions, as employment in agriculture fell and apparel employment increased. Also, FDI that produces for the domestic market has different effects than FDI that produces for export. See the figure below:

The barometer for success of globalization should not just be increase in trade volume but also the number and quality of jobs created. This will have an impact on poverty reduction as well.While in developed countries, working conditions are generally better, it cannot be safely assumed the same in the developing countries. The authors argue that working conditions are positively related to wages.

It appears that labor markets in export-oriented sectors that attract FDI are characterized by "good" jobs with high wages and better working conditions. In contrast, the agricultural sector (or more generally, the informal sector in Madagascar) offers "bad" jobs with low wages and poor working conditions. Thus, the positive correlation between and working conditions is more consistent with theories of efficiency wages and rent-sharing than with compensating differentials.

The relationship between globalization and its implications for wages and working conditions in developing countries is not straight forward-- it depends on many factors. These factors include:

  • technology
  • worker preferences and bargaining power
  • the cross-sectoral integration of labor markets
  • the quality of governmental institutions
  • international trade policy
  • the transmission of knowledge through supply chains
  • the establishment and enforcement of international labor standards
  • the leverage exercised by consumers, stockholders, and reputation-sensitive international buyers
  • the stability of labor markets

Some observations:

-Governments may impose specific regulations on firms that benefit from trade liberalization. For instance, the commitment of Cambodia to ensure good working conditions in firms that operated under the MFA.

-The action of national interest groups can influence the impact of globalization. For instance, anti-sweatshop activists waging a campaign for better working conditions and fair wages. It is interesting to note that, in Indonesia, the factories that were forced to raise wages as a consequence of government action and anti-sweatshop agitation were able to do so without cutting employment or production.

-A set of labor market inefficiencies may be in place and be aggravated by increased globalization. For instance, the factors that undermine bargaining power of workers in relation to factory managers--young, female, poorly educated or illiterate workers; workers migrating to urban areas may not have experience beyond the barter economy; over supply of labors makers it harder to negotiate better wage and working conditions; frequent economic downturns might wipe out gains made during good economic times.

Thursday, October 22, 2009

What happens when rate of increase of population exceeds food production?

Well, when the rate of increase of population outstrips rate of increase of food production, then there is a production paradox-- despite increase in food production in all regions, the number of hungry stomaches still increase! From NYT:
Scientists and development experts across the globe are racing to increase food production by 50 percent over the next two decades to feed the world’s growing population, yet many doubt their chances despite a broad consensus that enough land, water and expertise exist.
The number of hungry people in the world rose to 1.02 billion this year, or nearly one in seven people, according to the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization, despite a 12-year concentrated effort to cut the number.
The global financial recession added at least 100 million people by depriving them of the means to buy enough food, but the numbers were inching up even before the crisis, the United Nations noted in a report last week.
Agronomists and development experts who gathered in Rome last week generally agreed that the resources and technical knowledge were available to increase food production by 50 percent in 2030 and by 70 percent in 2050 — the amounts needed to feed a population expected to grow to 9.1 billion in 40 years.
Despite an increase in technology and food production techniques, why is there still increasing hunger? Are we approaching Malthusian nightmare? Here is Greg Clark:
Thomas Malthus warned in 1798 that population pressures would forever keep food and energy scarce and incomes low. In the 200 years since, world population has grown sevenfold, to 6.7 billion. Yet food and energy have become cheaper and more abundant. Malthus's dystopia, it seemed, belonged in history's junkyard. But, suddenly, rapid growth in China and India and the consequent scramble for increasingly scarce resources has revived the Malthusian specter. By 2050, 9 billion people in a world where all have U.S. consumption standards would need eight times as much oil and five times as much food than the planet current uses. Is the future a world of $10-a-gallon gas and $20 Big Macs?

Tuesday, October 20, 2009

Ostrom and Nepal

2009 Nobel laureate in economics Ostrom's on CPR (via David Warsh)

"total crop yield in Nepal is frequently higher around small primitive dams built from stone, mud and trees and managed locally, than near large concrete and steel dams where irrigation users have little incentive to concern themselves with necessary dam maintenance."

It would be very interesting to read Ostrom's forthcoming book about her research in Nepal.

Monday, October 19, 2009

Two emerging giants battle: Nepal benefits

The battle between China and India for regional influence will potentially benefit Nepal. A positive externality (for Nepal) from competing economic policies for regional influence by two emerging giants.

Indian Railways has chalked out a comprehensive plan to build rail links with Nepal and Bhutan in an apparent bid to counter the recent Chinese move to build rail links in South Asia. China is building a 1,956-kilometer rail route connecting Qinghai province and Tibet with Kathmandu across the Tibetan plateau.

China is also planning to build an internal railway network in Nepal linking it to Pakistan via the Karakoram Highway and Bangladesh via Myanmar. Indian Railways proposes to build six rail links with Nepal and three with Bhutan on a priority basis. Recently, the railways has mooted a proposal to link India directly with Nepal to achieve its all-round development and enhance connectivity between the two neighboring countries.

Tuesday, October 13, 2009

2009 Nobel prize in economics

This year’s Nobel Prize in economics went to Elinor Ostrom (the first woman to win the prize in economics) and Oliver Williamson for their work in economic governance.

Economic transactions take place not only in markets, but also within firms, associations, households, and agencies. Whereas economic theory has comprehensively illuminated the virtues and limitations of markets, it has traditionally paid less attention to other institutional arrangements. The research of Elinor Ostrom and Oliver Williamson demonstrates that economic analysis can shed light on most forms of social organization.

Elinor Ostrom has challenged the conventional wisdom that common property is poorly managed and should be either regulated by central authorities or privatized. Based on numerous studies of user-managed fish stocks, pastures, woods, lakes, and groundwater basins, Ostrom concludes that the outcomes are, more often than not, better than predicted by standard theories. She observes that resource users frequently develop sophisticated mechanisms for decision-making and rule enforcement to handle conflicts of interest, and she characterizes the rules that promote successful outcomes.

Oliver Williamson has argued that markets and hierarchical organizations, such as firms, represent alternative governance structures which differ in their approaches to resolving conflicts of interest. The drawback of markets is that they often entail haggling and disagreement. The drawback of firms is that authority, which mitigates contention, can be abused. Competitive markets work relatively well because buyers and sellers can turn to other trading partners in case of dissent. But when market competition is limited, firms are better suited for conflict resolution than markets. A key prediction of Williamson's theory, which has also been supported empirically, is therefore that the propensity of economic agents to conduct their transactions inside the boundaries of a firm increases along with the relationship-specific features of their assets.

Economists react:

Paul Romer

Paul Krugman says its “an institutional economics prize

Tyler Cowen

Steven Levitt

The Economist

Brad DeLong

also, here